Defections- A Bane of Punjab Politics

By Prabhjot Singh

The story of defections has continued since the early 60s.

Defections have become an integral part of politics. Essentially, they lure the defector with power while overlooking the political ideology, discipline and respect for constitutionalism. Though legislation was brought in 1985 to check this political menace, the 1985 Anti-Defection Law has failed in many ways as it has its own limitations. The outgoing Punjab Assembly is an example. Many legislators announced leaving their parties and joining others but none was unseated.

Defections are primarily of two types. In the first group come those who have enjoyed perks and privileges as a legislator of one party or the other and at the end of their terms, they look for a change. The other group comprises those who want to change their ship or the boat midstream. They generally try to indulge in anti-party activities as they want their parties to expel them so that they could stay as Independent or unaffiliated legislators.

Whatever be the situation, defection is something that will continue to be politically detestable though mostly rewarding for the beneficiary. There are instances when established leaders after quitting their prime parties failed to win the mandate in their subsequent electoral battles. In recent times, many political turncoats got the rejection slip of the electors.

If there is a growing list of leaders, including legislators, defecting to one party or the other on the eve of the coming Assembly elections, it is primarily for a ticket or a coveted Constitutional appointment. Laws or no laws, defections are a reality and cannot be just wished away.

If Punjab pioneered coalition politics in India, Haryana wrested the initiative with the concept of political defections. The adage Aaya Ram Gaya Ram owes its origin to Haryana.

It was coined as an expression in politics meaning frequent floor-crossing, turn coating, switching parties and political horse trading in the legislature by the elected politicians and political parties. Former Chief Minister Bhajan Lal was credited to engineer the concept in 1967.After reorganization, he did it in Haryana where excessive political horse trading, counter horse trading and counter-counter horse trading took place; triggering several rounds of frequent political defections by the serial-turncoat politicians within a span of few weeks; resulting in the dissolution of the Haryana Legislative Assembly and consequently the fresh elections were held in 1968.

The concept was virtually reduced to a joke as its frequency picked pace. Between 1967 and 1973 some 45 State Governments were toppled with as many as 2700 cases of defections. Nearly 60 per cent of the legislature during that period were involved in the game of defections. Ultimately, an attempt was made to check it as the anti-defection law was made in 1985. The trend, however, has continued unabated.

The outgoing Punjab Assembly witnessed frequent instances of legislators resigning from their parties to join others. Intriguingly, in most of the cases, their resignations were not ratified and status quo continued.

Defections are nothing new to Punjab. Haryana may have fueled mass or collective defections, Punjab had been experiencing this bane since early 60s. Looking back, Congress played the lead role in defections in Punjab between 1962 and 1966 as it engineered 23 defections. These were mostly from Akali Dal and Independents.

After reorganization, the first United Front Government in Punjab led by Justice Gurnam Singh, faced several rounds of defections, starting with an Independent Bhajan Lal, withdrawing support from the government at the instance of the Congress. The Chief Minister retaliated and got three Congress legislators – Satnam Singh Bajwa, Jagtar Singh and Amar Singh Dosanjh – into the United Front to ensure the election of Joginder Singh Mann as Speaker. Before the election of the Speaker could be held, Congress managed to win over an Independent Bakhtawar Singh. Later, four Congress MLAs – Balwant Singh, Baloo Ram, Shiv Chand and Gurmeet Singh – besides an Independent – Raja Narinder Singh – defected to the United Front. It did not end there. The process of defections continued as Congress persuaded Baldev Singh to leave the United Front. However, the United Front continued its political poaching and got Shangara Singh and Bakhtawar Singh in its fold.

The defection story peaked in November 1967, when Congress managed to get Lachman Singh Gill and 16 of his supporters to topple the United Front Government. Lachman Singh Gill was accompanied by Piara Ram (Republican), Faqir Chand, B.N. Makkar, Shangara Singh and Bakhtawar Singh (all Independents), Dr Gurcharan Singh and Dr Jagjit Singh (Republican), Mahant Ram Parkash (Independent), Karnail Singh, Parkash Singh Majithia, Harbhajan Singh, Jasdev Singh, Hardit Singh and natha Singh (all from Akali Dal – Sant), Sardara Singh Kohli (Akali Dal Master) and Raja Narinder Singh (Independent).

This was the first joint defection that led to the fall of the Justice Gurnam Singh Government. Lachman Singh Gill became the new Chief Minister. The story of defections has continued since then.

In Punjab politics, Congress was the mastermind behind the concept of defections. After reorganization of the State on November1, 1966, it went out of power for the first time. Stung by the electoral reverses, both in 1967 and 1969, it unleashed a concerted campaign to engineer defections in the ruling coalitions. The Congress itself could not escape the wrath of defections. In four years – from 1967 to 1971 – as many as 124 defections took place in the State that led to the collapse of four governments, including those of Justice Gurnam Singh (twice), Lachman Singh Gill and Parkash Singh Badal. The impact of defections was so much that none of these four governments could spend more than 10 months in office. In the subsequent 1972-1981 period, there was a significant change. Defections were getting noticed with contempt. The rate of change of political loyalties fell considerably and only 11 defections were reported in the intervening period.

Analysis of defections during its worst period – 1967-1971 – makes interesting reading. Akali Dal (Sant) suffered 57 losses while it gained 56 in the process. Akali Dal (Gurnam Singh) was the major beneficiary as it had 45 gains against 29 losses. Congress was a sufferer as it lost 19 and gained only 6 from defections. Also, a major gainer was Punjab Janata Party, which emerged in the political scenario. It lost one and gained 17 from defections.

While initially Congress got the blame for introducing the concept of defections in Punjab politics, the role was gradually taken over by the Akalis. In fact, Punjab happenings could not be studied in isolation.

The menace of defections that spread across the country was mainly a brainchild of Congress as it wanted to stay in power. State Governments of the opposition parties were toppled and the States, especially Punjab, were frequently brought under President’s rule. This is perhaps one reason that no non-Congress government in Punjab could complete a full five-year term in office till 1997 when the SAD-BJP government scripted this historic success.

What Congress did to wreak havoc with the elected governments at that time is now being replicated by the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party. What happened in West Bengal is an example. Defections were engineered from the ruling Trinamool Congress as the BJP had an ambitious plan to come to power. But the plan flopped. TMC emerged both victorious and stronger and many of its senior leaders, who had left the party, returned to its fold shortly after the people of West Bengal reimposed their trust in the leadership of Mamata Banerjee.

Similar attempts were made in other States.

Now is the turn of Punjab where the BJP has shed its “junior alliance partner” status to play a more aggressive role. Its alliance partners – Punjab Lok Congress and Sanyukat Akali Dal of Sukhdev Singh Dhindsa – still do not have enough winnable political manpower to contest all 119 seats. It has now gone about its task of scouting Sikh faces to make a dent in the territory ruled till now by both the Shiromani Akali Dal and Congress.

There are two key players in the entire game of defections – the Speaker of the Assembly and the Governor of the State.  Though they do not have any direct role in engineering defections, they can play the “Master” in nipping the evil in the bud.

Since the concept of Minority government failed to catch on in India, proving majority on the floor of the House is the only alternative to find legitimacy of those heading or seeking to head an elected government. Conventions are that leader of the single largest party should be invited to form a government by seeking help or support of like-minded parties or legislators. Here comes the discretion. Balance of power in such situations is held by either Independents or parties with a small number of legislators.

The institution of the Speaker, like that of the Governor, is Constitutional. Besides conducting the business of the Assembly, the Speaker is vested with powers that can decide the status of a legislator, especially in cases where there is a dispute between the party high command and the legislator, or the legislator has decided to defect.

Ironically, while Speakers remain glued to their political affiliations, the Governors often play to the diktats of the Union Government. The system needs to be more transparent and democratic.  Inordinate delays in taking decisions should be dispensed with. Instead, time limits need to be set up for taking decisions on issues that scuttle democratic processes.

If Congress lost its rule and popularity not only at the Centre but also in many States, it must blame itself for it. The BJP should have drawn lessons from the experiences of Congress. Instead, it is more aggressive than its predecessor, in its political intolerance.

Elections are still some weeks away. Defections have picked up pace putting political opportunism above the sworn ideal of serving people. The ball is in the court of the electors. They will decide.

(The author, a former Tribune editor and a senior journalist, is a regular contributor to The Indian Panorama. He can be reached at prabhjot416@gmail.com)

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