The SAD had realized quite early that to remain in power, resources were needed and for this, the SGPC was the most important source.
The Shiromani Akali Dal established itself in the political dynamics of Punjab after spearheading the Gurdwara Reform Movement in the early 20th century. With this powerful movement, the SAD built a strong cadre base, one that could be mobilized for Sikhs’ religious issues. During the period of Constituent Assembly debates from 1946 to 1949, issues concerning the Sikh community were raised by some leaders, particularly Hukam Singh, and fiercely debated. The SAD never abandoned the movement mode since it was playing pressure politics as also keeping the support base intact.
In electoral politics, the SAD gained significance only in 1962, when it became the official opposition party. After the formation of the Punjabi Suba in 1966, the SAD headed the coalition government and Gurnam Singh became the Chief Minister in 1967. The intra-party dynamics of the SAD can be traced to this year.
Understanding the internal politics of the SAD at present requires two sets of forces which work in two distinct situations — when SAD is in power and when it is out of power. In both situations, there is a struggle for power among top leaders. The 1967-72 period was the beginning of what became the signature image of the SAD. During this time, there were three chief ministers. First, Lachhman Singh Gill toppled Gurnam Singh and then, Parkash Singh Badal replaced Gurnam Singh. A similar process was seen in 1986 when Surjit Singh Barnala was reduced to minority as some MLAs rebelled, led by Parkash Singh Badal. It was in 1997 that Parkash Singh emerged as the undisputed leader of the SAD and remained so till his death in 2023.
The SAD has had such strong leaders as Master Tara Singh, Sant Fateh Singh and Harchand Singh Longowal, who influenced and shaped the Akali politics. Except for Master Tara Singh, who was discredited for ending his fast unto death without getting the Sikhs’ demands accepted by the Government of India, the others remained at the citadel for long periods of time.
Parkash Singh Badal faced challenges from strong leaders like Gurcharan Singh Tohra and Jagdev Singh Talwandi. The SAD had realized quite early that to remain in power, resources were needed and for this, the SGPC was the most important source. Over time, the SGPC came under the control of the SAD. Thus, with Tohra, who remained the SGPC president for a record 27 years, there emerged two centers of power, both competing and cooperating with each other. Since 1997, Parkash Singh began to control the entire machine.
With politics dominating the SGPC, the position of Takht Jathedars also came under the influence of the SAD. The recent removal of the Jathedar of Takht Damdama Sahib, Giani Harpreet Singh, is not unprecedented. The major reason for such ousters is SAD’s domination. The appointments of Takht Jathedar are done keeping political pragmatism and interests in mind. The control over religious institutions through the SGPC is the major source of political power to the SAD and is done in such a way that both reinforce each other.
Giani Harpreet Singh’s removal is crucial in light of the crisis faced by the SAD, which has politically shrunk. To rejuvenate itself, the SAD recently approached the SGPC and conceded that its party leaders had committed mistakes in the past. The Five Singh Sahiban pronounced punishment to the Akali leaders for their mistakes and they accepted it. The title of Panth Rattan Fakhr-e-Qaum that was awarded to Parkash Singh Badal in 2011 was taken back as punishment. It was a danger signal for the Akalis.
By getting Giani Harpreet Singh removed through the SGPC, the Sukhbir Badal-led SAD has tried to manage the crisis created by the Five Singh Sahiban’s verdict.
It is believed that the current crisis that the SAD is facing is mainly due to certain incidents of sacrilege that occurred in Punjab. They include the Bargari incident and the Behbal Kalan police firing which led to the death of two Sikh protesters in 2015. When it became clear that the sacrileges were committed by some Dera Sacha Sauda followers, its head Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh came under fire. Along with the acts of sacrilege, the acceptance by the Akal Takht Jathedar of the apology of the dera chief, who was dressed like the tenth Guru, angered the Sikh community.
From this point began SAD’s slide. In the 2017 Punjab Assembly elections, it did not win the numbers to even be the opposition party in the Vidhan Sabha. And, in the 2022 elections, its position further deteriorated.
The humiliating electoral defeat should have led to introspection. But instead of discussing the issue, some Akali Dal leaders chose to form a new group. Their public acceptance of mistakes committed between 2012 and 2017, when the Akali-BJP alliance was in power, compelled Sukhbir Badal and other leaders to apologize for their actions.
The verdict of the Five Singh Sahiban surprised everybody as it pointed to their autonomy and freedom from SAD’s influence. Giani Harpreet Singh’s removal can be seen as a reaction to the verdict.
Some experts are of the view that the SAD is politically dead. But it is not so. The SAD has been facing such challenges over time. Lachhman Singh Gill, after defecting from the party, formed his own group. Tohra did the same thing following differences with Badal. There are many SAD factions, including the Simranjit Singh Mann-led Akali Dal (Amritsar). At present, there is talk on the formation of a new Akali Dal due to the success of Amritpal Singh in the elections. It is a temporary phenomenon.
What is important is who controls the SGPC. The forthcoming SGPC elections is the reason behind all this fuss.
The two major political parties in Punjab — the SAD and the Congress — have been challenged by the AAP, but both consider it to be a temporary phenomenon. Between the two, only the Congress can form a government on its own. The SAD needs an alliance with other parties to form a government. The SAD got a majority in the Vidhan Sabha elections in 1997 only due to its alliance with the BJP.
The Akalis’ decline should be seen in the light of the SAD-BJP break-up. Other parties of note do not have any effective electoral influence. One may consider the BSP as the SAD’s probable partner, but it is not a winning alliance. An alliance with the BJP is possible only if the SAD sheds its advantage in seat-sharing. But the SAD should remember what the BJP has done to its alliance partners in other states, notably to the Shiv Sena in Maharashtra.
(Paramjit Singh Judge is Professor and Hed of the Department of Sociology at Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar)